Farishta Mohammad, Graduate School of Education, Touro College, Manhattan

Toward Deconstructing Crosslinguistic Transfer

One would think that there would be benefits, compared to negative setbacks, when learning two languages simultaneously, especially if we come across languages with similar features, such as Spanish and English. Though many studies have found that individuals learning a second language (L2) rely on their native language when looking for cues that signal the beginning or ending of words, this reliance on the mother tongue (L1), known as CLI, is currently under scrutiny because, according to Tremblay (2017), cues that signify the beginning or ending of words differ from language to language. Tremblay, with a group of international collaborators from the Netherlands, Korea, and France and a US$250,000 National Science Foundation grant, has discovered some astonishing information regarding beginning and ending word signals (Tremblay, 2017).

Tremblay (2017) emphasizes that though we might recognize L2 words in isolation, it would be quite difficult to acknowledge these words in continuous speech. Furthermore, cues like intonation, the rise and fall of one’s voice when speaking, are even harder to grasp because they are largely impacted by one’s L1. For instance, though in English a stressed syllable signifies the beginning of a new word, in French the contrary is true; a stressed syllable means the end of a word. By presenting a phrase such as “chat grincheux” and asking speakers learning French to select the words they hear from the four options: chat, chagrin, and two unrelated words, Tremblay (2017) and her international collaborators were able to manipulate intonation cues to find out how listeners recognize words. This supports the idea that the speech processing system is quite flexible, and that over time an individual’s use of his native language cues might diminish.

What Does the Current Theory Say About Crosslinguistic Transfer?

In fact, compelling evidence suggests that a learner’s knowledge of a language and linguistic behavior have very little to do with the differences between L1 and L2 (Ortega, 2015, p. 32). Studies indicate that similarities and differences between our L1 and the new language we are acquiring does not in any way affect our learning or pose any problems. For instance, one study led by the Swedish second language acquisition researcher, Hyltenstam (1977), examined how speakers of Spanish, French, and Portuguese—languages composed of preverbal negation—were able to do in a postverbal negation language like English. He wanted to see whether this difference in negation caused any problems for learners. Moreover, he studied how speakers of postverbal negation languages, like Swedish, Turkish, and Norwegian, performed when learning another postverbal negation language. Did learners have an easier time picking up a language that was like their L1 when it came to negation? After investigating 160 participants, Hyltenstam (1977) concluded that regardless of the similarities or differences in negation placement, learners of both preverbal negation and postverbal negation languages displayed the same general patterns when learning negation (p. 32). So, it didn’t hurt or help to have an L1 that was similar or different from the L2 when it came to negation—all learners went through a similar path in successfully achieving their target language.

Reexamining Cross-Linguistic Influence Through a Cultural Lens

To come across such researched-based evidence of how the similarities and differences in languages do not help or hurt learners in language acquisition was a bit disheartening, because I grew up in a home where both of my parents blame such differences for them not learning the English language. Even to this day, I often hear my father say, “Russians and the Spanish have an easier time learning the English language because their alphabets are so like the English alphabet. We Afghans, we must start everything from scratch. We have nothing in common with the English letters, so how can we learn English and get good paying jobs like the Russians?” It’s sad and disheartening to see him negatively pass judgement on his own language and even hold a prejudiced point of view of others. Researchers like Hyltenstam (1977) have shed light on something for those with views like my father. I am also enlightened as an educator, because I will no longer hold false assumptions about my students’ abilities based on how similar or different their home language is to English.

As much as I would like to deny it, I know that I have been guilty of holding false assumptions about certain groups of people and how easy it is for them to gain certain privileges, all because of how similar their outlook in life and their first language is to English. Just like my father, I too held this false notion of how easy it must be for students who speak Spanish to get along with others and learn the English language faster and even have their parents help with homework because everything in English looks so much like Spanish. My parents were never able to help my sister and me with any homework because of the language barrier. A family friend with two teenagers who were born and raised in the United States were our only source of help when it came to school and projects. I still remember how my third-grade teacher made fun of how my mother signed in the wrong place on a permission slip. Learning English wasn’t easy, and, at times, it was overwhelming when there was no support and encouragement. Perhaps this is the reason I want to become a TESOL teacher.

A lot of what we think comes from our homes because our parents are our first teachers. We see the world through their eyes when we are young and sometimes their beliefs and opinions stay with us for a while until we come across information that challenges those beliefs. I have been through this experience more times than I can remember, and this time, too, I can attest that my long-held belief about Spanish-speaking children having the advantage of grasping English at a faster rate than a Persian-speaking student like myself is challenged. The studies carried out in the second language acquisition field warrant that I bring a change to the way I think about Spanish-speaking individuals learning English. Aside from my father, another source that may have contributed in my false assumption about Spanish speakers is my community. Where I live, there are a few small Afghan businesses, and most people know one another. In fact, every Friday night after the last prayer is offered, families get together and talk about day-to-day happenings. I hear women and men always complaining about how difficult their jobs are, and if only they spoke better English, maybe they wouldn’t live such hard lives. They often say how the Russians have good jobs because they are educated and share a common language with the Americans. Though I sympathize with them, I am glad that I know it’s not the Russians or the Hispanics that are keeping them from getting better jobs; it’s their lack of knowledge.

The realization moment for me was when I came across Hyltenstam’s (1977) study of negation. The findings highlighted that commonness or unlikeness in languages does not hinder or assist us in learning a new language, and this changed my outlook on language learning (Hyltenstam, 1977). His study revealed that L2 learners do not rely on their L1 as much as we’d like to think. Although the L1 does influence the learning of the L2, it does not specifically cause any difficulties because of common or uncommon features in languages. Hyltenstam (1977) pointed out, “…we are able to study one large interlanguage continuum instead of unrelated [L1-L2 pair] continua” (Ortega, 2015, p. 32). Furthermore, “Conversely, it was also found that certain differences may result in no attested learning difficulty whatsoever and furthermore that learning difficulties do not possess a symmetrical or bidirectional quality” (Ortega, 2015, p. 32). His work made me go back and reflect on how I was still holding on to the things I learned as a child. It made me understand that while I highly value my parents’ opinions as well as my community’s, their beliefs can be wrong or based on wrong information.

Reconstructing Cross-Linguistic Influence: Factoring in Cultural Elements

From Hyltenstam’s (1977) study, I learned that while the L1 does impact bilingual acquisition to a large degree, the mere differences or similarities in languages are not the root cause of accelerated learning or learning difficulties in L2 learning. He suggested that we should spend time studying the interlanguage that is created instead of pinpointing differences or similarities in languages. Yes, languages can have common features, but studies indicate that likeness does not equate to L2 learners grasping a language easily.

Being aware that the L1 can have an influence on L2 acquisition or bilingual education can be beneficial if we are looking at the L1 through a cultural perspective. Though such information is of utmost importance in creating a language-rich environment for students, it is also a reminder that more attention is needed in examining the interlanguage that students create instead of the similarities and differences that languages share. As a student myself, I judged my Spanish-speaking peers to have the upper hand in learning English compared to someone from my background, but after reading how mere features in languages do not help or hinder L2 learning, I am more attuned to helping and holding all of my students to the same high expectations regardless of their background or language.

References

Hyltenstam, K. (1977). Implicational patterns in interlanguage syntax variation. Language learning 27(2), 383–410.

Ortega, L. (2015). Understanding second language acquisition. Routledge.

Tremblay, A. (2006). On the second language acquisition of Spanish reflexive passives and reflexive impersonals by French-and English-speaking adults. Second Language Research, 22(1), 30–63.