As part of social interaction, politeness has received generous
attention in a range of fields including communication, anthropology,
linguistics, gender studies, and language acquisition. Many researchers
(See Additional Resources) have looked at various aspects of politeness,
both linguistic (e.g., speech acts, use of honorifics, politeness
routines and formulas) and nonverbal (e.g., eye contact, proxemics and
chronemics). However, the other side of the spectrum—impoliteness—has
not received nearly as much attention as politeness. In earlier
research, impoliteness was either ignored or looked at as “a pragmatic
failure to meet the politeness principles of talk” (Limberg, 2009, p.
1377). Nevertheless, impoliteness can sometimes be purposefully used for
achieving certain pragmatic goals; thus, it cannot be fully explained
by existing politeness theories.
What the Research Says
In order to better understand the nature of an impolite
behavior as a sociolinguistic and intercultural phenomenon, I looked at
several studies that focused on impoliteness. The main criterion I used
for the selection of studies was the time of publication: I primarily
looked at the research that was conducted over the past 10–15 years.
Only one article—Culpeper (1996)—is an exception of this criterion, yet I
included it in the analysis because the study makes a first attempt to
build a framework for addressing impoliteness as a sociolinguistic
phenomenon; thus, it can be considered as pioneer research in the study
of impoliteness.
The examination of the selected studies has demonstrated that
whereas some researchers are concerned with the description of
impoliteness strategies (e.g., Culpeper, 1996; 2009), not much has been
done to investigate how these strategies are employed in different
contexts and between interlocutors of various relationships.
Nevertheless, the main conclusions of this analysis can be summarized as
follows:
Expanding the view on impoliteness
Studies of impoliteness should embrace a more complex view of
this phenomenon rather than an oversimplistic view in which impoliteness
is merely seen as a desire to attack or threaten face and therefore
cause social conflict or disharmony (Culpeper, 1996; Haugh &
Bousfield, 2012). In fact, the purpose of mock impoliteness (banter) is
to foster a social intimacy and solidarity. Culpeper (1996) provides the
following example of this type of impoliteness: “I once turned up late
for a party, and upon explaining to the host that I had mistaken 17.00
hours for 7 o'clock, I was greeted with a smile and the words ‘You silly
bugger!’” (p. 352). In other contexts—such as army training and
literary drama—people may also utilize impoliteness for “non-offence”
purposes.
Looking at impoliteness in a discourse
Impolite behavior cannot be examined in isolation, but should
be analyzed as part of discourse, considering the verbal exchanges of
both interlocutors. Bousfield (2007) looked at the dynamics of impolite
exchanges by focusing on the three stages of the discoursal context: the
beginnings—the triggers that give ride to conflicting situations and
impolite behavior; the middles—the options (respond or not) that
interlocutors have in the impoliteness discourse; and the ends—the
resolution options (e.g., submission, third party intervention,
compromise, stand-off, and withdrawal) of the impoliteness discourse.
Although this model certainly provides a further understanding of
impoliteness in a discourse, the resolution options presented might not
always guarantee successful resolution of the conflict, nor does it take
into account the concept of apology, which could change the direction
of the impoliteness discourse.
Considering the context
The role of the context cannot be underestimated when judging a
particular behavior as either polite or impolite (Culpeper, 1996; Haugh
& Bousfield, 2012; Limberg, 2009; Mills, 2007). For example,
Haugh and Bousfield (2012) collected data from male-to-male interactions
among Australian English and North West British English speakers. They
found a variety of conversational topics that triggered impolite
utterances, such as current/past relationships, sexual preferences,
habits/personality, gaming, items of cultural significance, the job or
profession (lack of abilities or skills in the professional area), and
the lack of toughness (lack of financial independence or dependence on
one’s parents). If analyzed in isolation, many expressions found in the
datasets in this study could be characterized as offensive. However,
considering the contextual factors along with the relationships among
the participants of the interactions, their supposedly impolite
expressions can be judged as jokes or mockery rather than as offence.
Considering interlocutors’ relationships
Along with contextual factors, the role of interlocutors should
not be overlooked. Limberg’s (2009) study, for instance, demonstrated
that in the situations where both interlocutors appeared to have an
equal status (friends, roommates, classmates), compliance tended to be
chosen most frequently as a response to a verbal threat. The author
argues that friends tend to choose compliance because, in comparison to
the importance of their friendships, conflicts over impoliteness are
perceived as trivial.
Including paralinguistic parameters
Single lexically and grammatically based strategies cannot
fully explain the complex phenomenon of impoliteness, let alone
interpret the reasons why certain impolite strategies are utilized. In
other words, we need to look not only at what is said, but also at how
it is said. To this end, Culpeper, Bousfield, and Wichmann (2003)
explored the role of prosody—the change of pitch and the loudness of
voice—in employing impoliteness strategies. They asserted that
paralinguistics needs to be taken into consideration in the study of
impoliteness strategies.
Having an individualistic rather than a nation-wide look at impoliteness Different cultures should not be characterized as favoring “positive
politeness” or “negative politeness.” Mills (2007), for example, argues
that even within one culture, there are several subcultural groups (on
the social level) that may be characterized as negative polite or
positive polite. The entire nation, indeed, “cannot speak with one
voice” (p. 1058).
Suggestions for Future Research
In addition to these insights on impoliteness, the analysis of
the research on impoliteness has also demonstrated that certain areas of
the described phenomenon deserve further investigation. The following
topics appear the most salient:
1. Listener perception. Our knowledge of
impoliteness as a sociolinguistic phenomenon will be deepened by
investigating it from the perspective of the recipient of the
impoliteness. In other words, researchers need to look at how the use of
different impoliteness strategies is perceived by the hearer and how
that person responds in reaction.
2. Nonverbal behavior. The role of body
language, including facial expressions and gestures, was only briefly
mentioned in some studies (see Culpeper et al., 2003; Culpeper, 1996).
However, nonverbal tools of communication seem to play a significant
role in conveying (im)politeness. Therefore, future studies concerned
with the creation of an impoliteness framework should consider exploring
how different nonverbal tools are realized in impolite behavior.
3. Relationship between the offender and the offended.More research needs to be conducted to examine the nature of
relationships between the speaker and the hearer in impolite exchanges,
what role those relationships play in determining which strategies of
impolite behavior are employed between particular interlocutors, and how
these strategies are perceived in the specific context of the
relationship.
4. Various contexts of impolite behavior. In
order to better understand the concept of impoliteness, a wider variety
of contexts (academic and nonacademic, professional and
nonprofessional, formal and informal, cross- and same gender, public and
private, etc.) need to be investigated.
5. Deliberate impoliteness in intercultural
settings. Another interesting line of research could be
examining the reasons why in intercultural settings some people may
refuse to accommodate the principles of politeness of their
interlocutors. A careful analysis of these factors (e.g., cultural
identity, power, ideological forces) could certainly contribute to the
body of research on impoliteness.
Hopefully these and other issues will be addressed in future
studies to help us expand our knowledge of the phenomenon of impolite
behavior.
References
Bousfield, D., (2007). Beginnings, middles and ends: A biopsy
of the dynamics of impolite exchanges. Journal of Pragmatics,
39, 2185–2216.
Culpeper, J., (1996). Towards an anatomy of
impoliteness. Journal of Pragmatics, 25, 349–367.
Culpeper, J., Bousfield, D., Wichmann, A. (2003). Impoliteness
revisited: With special reference to dynamic and prosodic aspects. Journal of Pragmatics, 35, 1545–1579.
Haugh, M., & Bousfield, D. (2012). Mock impoliteness,
jocular mockery and jocular abuse in Australian and British English. Journal of Pragmatics, 44,
1099–1114.
Limberg, H. (2009). Impoliteness and threat responses. Journal of Pragmatics, 41,
1376–1394.
Mills, S., (2007). Impoliteness in a cultural context. Journal of Pragmatics, 41, 1047–1060.
Elena Shvidko is a PhD student in the Department of
English at Purdue University. Her research interests include second
language socialization, second language writing, teacher training, and
TESOL. |