The other day, I was chatting with other faculty members in the
corridor at the university in Japan where I currently teach in the
English language program. About half of my colleagues are English
speakers from Anglophone countries, and the entire faculty has varying
bi/multilingual competence. Because many teachers have children
receiving education here in Japan, questions often arise about educating
bilingual children. On this particular day, the conversation turned
toward the myth of the “balanced bilingual.”
“The myth of the ‘balanced bilingual’?” asked one colleague.
Another language instructor explained what Grosjean eloquently
describes as the view that “bilinguals [must] have equal and perfect
knowledge of their languages” (Grosjean, 2012). In extension, “equal and
perfect knowledge” would imply that “bilinguals are (or should be) two
monolinguals in one person” (Grosjean, 1989).
Surprised, the first colleague, whose children were learning
both English and Japanese, replied, “Yeah, a ‘balanced bilingual.’ Isn’t
that what we’re all trying to do with our kids?”
Little was he aware that a balanced bilingual is extremely rare
and debatably considered an impossible pursuit (Haugen, 1969, as cited
in Grosjean, 2012).
My colleague holds a belief commonly held in popular culture: A
bilingual can and should have
equal capacity to comprehend, produce, and function—not only in two
languages, but in two cultures (Grosjean, 2012). This image of a
multilingual, which is based on a monoglossic judgment of a native
speaker, perfect ideal (Fuller, 2018; García & Tupas, 2018),
places unrealistic and unachievable expectations on multilanguage users
(De Houwer & Ortega, 2018b; Grosjean, 1989, 2012; May,
2014b).
The preceding anecdote illuminates one of the biggest
challenges in the area of bi/multilingualism: lack of knowledge about
what it truly means to be multilingual. As language teachers, we try not
to prescribe to the popular myths about language learning and use.
However, at times even we may allow subconscious misconceptions to
affect our teaching, administration, policy building, and, in this case,
parenting.
How Then Could the Myth of the Balanced Bilingual
Affect our Teaching and Administration on a More Practical
Level?
In my previous job, I worked as a coordinator in a U.S.-based
university English language program in Japan. As a newly established
program, we had the task of implementing English language placement
tests to incoming students, the majority of whom were Japanese-English
bilinguals, Japanese being their dominant language. We offered three
program tracks: an academic Intensive English Program (IEP), a general
English program, and a program for business professionals. According to
our stated mission, students were guided after placement to a specific
track or combination of tracks depending on their individual
goals.
The placement tests were developed in-house. Grammar and
listening were scored by percentage correct; a writing sample was
reviewed holistically by at least two readers; and an interview was
rated by the same faculty member who conducted the interview. One
aggregate score was determined based on the individual scores from all
sections.
What Was the Result of This Placement Procedure?
Very quickly, an issue emerged with the placement procedures.
How should we place those students who had widely divergent scores or
demonstrated different strengths in their English competencies? In other
words, what should happen to a student whose skills were “unbalanced”?
In our context, this imbalance was usually found in a very
strong speaker with weaker writing skills or a strong writer with weak
speaking and listening. The policy was clear—a student could only be
placed at or slightly above the level of their weakest area.
Discussion ensued among the faculty. Was the policy fair to
students? What if a student only wanted to improve specific skills? Was
it necessary to have a balanced placement? How would changing the policy
affect classroom dynamics for the teachers or other students?
How Was the Policy Adapted?
Eventually, the survival of the school forced the policy to
change. Some students were dissatisfied with their placements. For
example, in the original system, a strong speaker who wanted to improve
his or her speaking skills had no option but to improve their weak
writing before taking a speaking class. Not only were the writing
classes expensive and time consuming, but they were also potentially
irrelevant to the student’s goals.
In order to retain students, the policy had to account for
these so-called “exceptions.” Therefore, an allowance was
introduced—students could be placed based on the skill they wanted to
improve on a case-by-case basis. The change essentially applied to
part-time students outside of the IEP. The original policy remained
intact for the IEP because all English language skill areas were
considered essential for academic success in university studies taught
in English.
Though the policy was adjusted for the reality of the school’s
context, the process of deciding whether to allow for imbalanced English
language competencies was fraught with lively discussion and plenty of
disagreement. Without a doubt, adapting an ESL program based in an
Anglophone context to an EFL context in which English is not the
majority language is a complex process. However, a closer look at a
foundational attitude regarding multilingual students may help inform
future administrative and instructional practices.
What Does This Mean for Teachers and Administrators?
In this case, the initial placement decision was founded on at
least one basic misconception: All aspects of a bilingual’s language
must be balanced in order to be considered truly competent in that
language. Moreover, the language benchmark for English (and, therefore,
also for Japanese) was the same as a highly skilled monolingual in
academic register and style. In other words, our administration set a
very narrow monolingual standard as the “perfect” or “ideal” language
user (Grosjean, 1989).
The impossibility of directly comparing a bilingual to a
monolingual in each language has been criticized extensively in modern
multilingual research (Cruz-Ferreira, 2010; De Houwer & Ortega,
2018a; Fuller, 2018; Grosjean, 1989, 2012; May, 2014a; Ortega, 2014).
When teachers and administrators embrace a monoglossic deficit posture
toward our bilingual students, we may limit the ways in which we can
adapt our programs and lessons to meet their needs, and we might drive
our students to imagine themselves in a perpetual game of catch-up with
their monolingual peers—regardless of whether they can successfully
accomplish tasks utilizing their diverse linguistic and/or cultural
resources.
As educators, a better approach would be focusing less on what
our students cannot do in English and more on how
well they can communicate and express themselves in
the specific contexts and/or registers in which they need. From there,
we can help them build their language resources so that they can more
efficiently and effectively achieve their goals. Cook (2002) recommends
moving away from the detrimental notion of “language learners” to a more
constructive approach, regarding multilinguals as “language
users.”
As administrators and teachers then, perhaps we should give the
particular needs and goals of our students more weight when designing
curricula, including questions of course goals, material selection and
development, assessment, and placement.
In order to realize change as a profession, our first
adjustment must be attitudinal. We must understand bi/multilingualism as
a separate phenomenon from monolingualism (Grosjean, 1985). We should
make efforts to establish administrative and instructional expectations
that match the needs and goals of the multilingual individuals who
attend our classes. The second adjustment is practical. We must ensure
that our policies and practices reflect a research-based approach to
multilingualism, eschewing pop culture myths about speakers of multiple
languages.
Despite the demands of powerful stakeholders who may not
embrace an inclusive approach to multilingualism, educators have a duty
to establish a more objective method of analysis, which in turn will
lead to a more equitable process of decision-making. We are all
susceptible to subconscious biases that may affect the impartiality of
our decisions. Therefore, we must engage in a reflective learning
process, first recognizing our own beliefs, identifying and correcting
any errors of understanding, and then espouse evidence-based approaches.
In the area of bi/multilingualism where myth is often confused for
fact, we must become advocates dedicated to enriching our students’
education and promoting a deeper understanding of multilingualism in
broader society.
References
Cook, V. (Ed.). (2002). Portraits of the L2 user (Vol. 1). Multilingual Matters.
Cruz-Ferreira, M. (2010). Multilinguals are
...? CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform.
De Houwer, A., & Ortega, L. (2018a). Introduction:
Learning, using, and unlearning more than one language. In A. De Houwer
& L. Ortega (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook of
bilingualism (1st ed., pp. 1–12).
doi:10.1017/9781316831922
De Houwer, A., & Ortega, L. (Eds.). (2018b). The Cambridge handbook of bilingualism (1st ed.).
doi:10.1017/9781316831922
Fuller, J. M. (2018). Ideologies of language, bilingualism, and
monolingualism. In A. De Houwer & L. Ortega (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook of bilingualism (pp. 119–134).
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García, O., & Tupas, R. (2018). Doing and undoing
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Grosjean, F. (1985). The bilingual as a competent but specific
speaker‐hearer. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural
Development, 6(6), 467–477.
doi:10.1080/01434632.1985.9994221
Grosjean, F. (1989). Neurolinguists, beware! The bilingual is
not two monolinguals in one person. Brain and
Language, 36(1), 3–15.
doi:10.1016/0093-934X(89)90048-5
Grosjean, F. (2012). Bilingual: Life and
reality. Retrieved from
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May, S. (2014a). Disciplinary divides, knowledge construction,
and the multilingual turn. In S. May (Ed.), The multilingual
turn: Implications for SLA, TESOL and bilingual education (pp.
7–31). New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis
Group.
May, S. (Ed.). (2014b). The multilingual turn:
Implications for SLA, TESOL and bilingual education. New York,
NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.
Ortega, L. (2014). Ways forward for a bi/multilingual turn in
SLA. In S. May (Ed.), The multilingual turn: Implications for
SLA, TESOL and bilingual education (pp. 32–53). New York, NY:
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Rebekka Eckhaus, MA TESOL, is currently an English
writing instructor at International Christian University in Tokyo,
Japan. She has taught in universities and companies in Tokyo, New York
City, Seoul, and Valparaiso (Chile). Her research interests include
bi/multilingualism, learner autonomy, and blended
learning. |