Continually, U.S. societal discourses devalue and silence
languages other than standard English. If one can say “I am my
language,” as Gloria Anzaldúa (1987, p. 81) did, then including multiple
languages brings more people into a discourse that opens possibilities
for social change. As a teacher of emerging bilingual students, I acted
on this principle by embracing the home language of my students,
Spanish, to create a space where students could use a wider range of
their linguistic repertoire. I sought to create a critical multilingual
space where students could bring their cultural and linguistic knowledge
into the classroom to deconstruct oppressive ideologies circulated in
societal and school discourses concerning speakers of languages other
than English (Shor, 2009). These ideologies regarding bilinguals and
bilingualism often position the bilingual as one unwilling to speak the
dominant the language, inferior to the monolingual speaker, and
academically behind monolingual peers. Throughout the 2009-2010 academic
period, the students in my ESOL classroom disrupted these deficit
positions partly through their use of Spanish in a space where English
was typically the only language used and valued.
In 2009-2010, I taught fifth grade in a public, K-5, elementary
school in North Georgia. In addition, I taught one 50-minute segment of
English for speakers of other languages (ESOL). During this ESOL
segment, I had nine fifth graders who all spoke English and Spanish and
who had family and cultural connections to Mexico. In the school, there
was a mismatch between the evidence found in educational research and
the practices of ESOL instruction. Despite research (August &
Shanahan, 2006; Dworin, 2003; Slavin & Cheung, 2005) showing the
benefits of emerging bilingual students having literacy in their home
languages, these students did not receive instruction in Spanish.
Scholars of language education (Cummins, 2001; Garcia, 2009) and
empirical studies (Dworin, 2006; Manyak, 2006) have shown that language
ideologies, such as U.S. English-only initiatives, promote social and
educational hegemony by attempting to normalize society through the
acquisition and use of a single language. This hegemony, however, still
permeated the instruction of the emerging bilinguals in my school. To
create a critical multilingual space, I decided to “bring the outside
in” in order to “interrupt . . . classroom discourse[s]” that continued
to marginalize and remove people and their language from the dominant
discourse (Baynam, 2006, p. 25). To bring the outside in, I approached
my students about writing in both of their languages, Spanish and
English, and using their personal connections and experiences as the
basis for reading and writing.
DUAL-LANGUAGE MENTOR TEXTS
Initially, when I introduced the idea of reading and writing in
Spanish, as well as English, the seven students who had received
English-only instruction since kindergarten were afraid and reluctant to
write in Spanish. However, two girls, who were recent Mexican
immigrants and Spanish-dominant, seemed comforted by the option to write
in Spanish, but they still worried about the correctness of their
English writing. My efforts to tell the students “Mistakes are fine!
Spelling doesn’t matter!” and my insistence that “Writing is a process,
and it’s never perfect the first time!” were not received well by the
students. So I turned to dual-language books and mentor texts (Dorfman
& Cappelli, 2007) as writing models for sentence structure and
story elements such as theme, perspective, plot, setting, and word
choice. I modeled using a dual-language book as a mentor text, and I
showed the students how I have struggled with Spanish literacy. I took
this moment to illustrate how a dual-language mentor text, Super Oscar (De La Hoya & Shulman, 2006),
helped me write a personal narrative in English and Spanish. I began by
reading a section from my mentor text:
On Saturdays in Oscar’s neighborhood, everyone got together for
a picnic in the park. People brought all sorts of food and there were
games to play.
Los sábados, en el barrio de Oscar todo el mundo se reunía para
un gran picnic en el parque. Los vecinos traían todo tipo de comidas
así como muchos juegos y diversiones (pp. 7-8).
Then, I explained my writing process to the students. First, I
wrote in English using the sentence structure and some of the vocabulary
from the mentor text, and then I did the same in Spanish, or at least
as much as I could without an English/Spanish dictionary:
On Saturdays, at Stephanie’s trailer on the farm, everyone
worked in the chicken house and played on the farm. Mama and Daddy
worked in the garden. Stephanie fed the horses, and Matthew played
army.
Los sábados, a remolque de Stephanie en la granja, todo el
mundo trabajaba en la casa de pollo y jugó en la granja. Mamá y papá
trabajaba en el jardín. Stephanie alimentados a los caballos, y Mateo
jugó ejército.
Some of my grammar and vocabulary choices were incorrect in
Spanish, but I hoped that the students, as more advanced Spanish
speakers, could help me correct and revise the sentences. Initially,
they laughed at some of my mistakes, but a discussion of how to
translate trailer into Spanish led to a critical
discussion of homophones, word-for-word translation, and translation for
meaning. This process showed my writing weaknesses and vulnerabilities
in my nondominant language and demonstrated that the writing process
does not begin perfectly. Most important, the process led the students
to look at dual-language mentor texts as a way to scaffold their
writing, relieve writing anxiety, and generate writing topics. After
this, the students began to embrace dual-language writing with a
dual-language text as their mentor.
Soon after modeling how to use dual-language mentor texts, I
read the poem “My Name Is Jorge” (Medina, 2004) aloud to the students.
Maria had a personal connection to the theme of the poem, and she shared
that sometimes English monolinguals call her Mary, and it bothered her
when her name was not said correctly. However, other students voiced
that both the Spanish and English pronunciations of their names were
acceptable to them, and a couple of students adamantly wanted only the
English pronunciation of their name. At this moment, “bringing the
outside in” challenged my belief that I should always use the Spanish
pronunciation for students’ names. I came away with the idea that I can
respect students by embracing how they prefer to name themselves and it
was not my place to impose cultural or linguistic heritage. Maria wrote a
poem that brought her experiences with names into the
classroom:
My ugly name Mary\Mi nombre feo Mary
My name is Maria.
I know that my name is Maria.
But everybody calls me Marry.
What an ugly sound.
Like if I am getting married.
The worst of all was that a boy called me Married
And I did not want to turn my head around
Because I do not want to get
Married??? |
Mi nombre es María.
Se que mi nombre es María.
Pero todos me llaman Meri.
¡Qué feo sonido!
Como si me casara
Y lo peor de todo es que hoy en la mañana un niño me llamo MERI
y volteé la cabeza.
No quiero estar
CASADA??? |
In addition, Maria demonstrated and extended her
understanding of the way the original poem uses homophones and rhyme
across languages. For example, in the mentor text, Jorge was pronounced
George, which sounded like a sneeze to the young boy named Jorge. Maria
explored how the same sound may invoke various meanings depending on the
person’s linguistic and cultural background. Her poem demonstrated a
tension that she had experienced concerning her name in a discourse that
overwhelmingly values monolingualism.
Lalo used Los Gatos Black on Halloween
(Morales & Montes, 2006), a book written in Spanglish verse, as
his guide for a Spanglish text about the Day of the Dead. During his
writing process, I noticed that he did not know or understand rhyme
scheme, so together we identified the rhyme scheme of his mentor text.
Immediately, he wanted to use a rhyme scheme in his story as well. He
went to his peers for help to find rhyming English words, Spanish words,
and even rhyming words between English and Spanish. With his peers,
mentor text, and dictionary, he wrote seven stanzas with an identifiable
rhyme scheme. At one point he asked me, “What is the bone in your head
called?” At first, I was puzzled, but then I chuckled and answered, “Oh,
skull.” This word was important because Lalo was following the
traditions of his family by bringing the word calaveras/skulls into his story.
In the original mentor text about Halloween, the word calavera was not used. But during the Day of the
Dead, calaveras are important symbols, and Lalo
recognized that importance and used the word to enrich a school-based
story that challenged normative ideas of acceptable school holidays.
Furthermore, Lalo used his cultural knowledge to capture the tone of Day
of the Dead through a turn in the last stanza of his text. At the end
of the mentor text, the tone of the turn was comical, which is
indicative of a Halloween theme of jests and jokes. On the basis of his
personal knowledge, Lalo brought a turn with a somber tone to his story:
Families come from far and near
To respect their family hear
They all bow their head
To remember on the day of the dead.
CONCLUSION
Cahnmann (2005) wrote that many studies in bilingualism focus
only on the learning of the language and not the “larger systems of
social inequality,” and it is “less common [to] have” studies where
“discourse[s] [are] examined for [their] potential for resistance rather
than containment” (p. 231). At the time of teaching this class, I was
an emerging Spanish speaker, and I worried about how I could assist my
students in acquiring literacy in a language that I was still learning.
It turns out that the same strategies that helped me with Spanish
literacy also helped the students. For me and the students, the
dual-language mentor text assisted us with spelling, vocabulary,
grammar, and translation in Spanish. The dual-language mentor text
performed as a dual-language teacher in typically monolingual classroom.
The Spanish texts helped all of us resist monolingualism and the
school’s monolingual norms. The English portions of the books were
helpful structures for students as well. The English text served as
another language teacher, allowing me to spend more individual time with
students. Over the remaining school year, as a whole the class became
more independent. Students wanted to design their own activities, choose
their own books, work in groups or independently, decide what to write
about, and publish in a variety of formats. These different options
opened a space where students could connect through multiple languages
to “[expand] the limits of what constitutes an acceptable response”
(Medina, 2010, p. 58). As a result, “bringing the outside in” through
dual-language stories, poems, speaking, and writing created a space for
the students to critique marginalizing discourses. The students
especially demonstrated that their multilingual repertoire was extensive
and interesting; that they could master a second language while keeping
the first; and that they were intelligent and creative thinkers.
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Stephanie Abraham was an elementary teacher in Georgia
for nine years. Her experience teaching Latino and African American
students sparked an interest in studying linguistic diversity. She is
currently a doctoral student at the University of Georgia, exploring the
use of nondominant languages in classrooms within dominant monolingual
societies. |